Caribbean Rhythm episode 60. I have a very special guest on show today from Southern Cone. She is an agent of old Operation Condor. She is actually Lady Astor, Lady of the League. Many of you on Twitter know her. I met her several years ago. And I could feel, when I saw her mystical account on the internet, I could feel through the avatar into my screen flowing certain energies And as if there were some tentacles flowing from screen into the brain. And this very powerful effect on me. So I start to talk to her. And it ended up we were at the time in the same city in Buenos Aires. So we met. And I can confirm that Lady of the Lake is a real lady, a biological female. And unlike many women who come on the art corners of the internet, she also does not

have a BPD, or borderline personality disorder. She is completely mentally sane, in other words, and not just sane, but one of the most knowledgeable people I have met on a subject of South America, on subject of Catholicism, religion, ancient paganism, on world politics in general. And the art world has a very unique perspective. And on top of it, she happened to be one of the great real impresarios in Argentina, an An impresario role that you can find perhaps in books of 1920s and 30s, very glamorous, but rarely you find today. So, for example, I do not want to reveal anything sensitive. But there were recently many famous figures, celebrity come to Argentina, and Lady Astor set up their whole shebang there, their shows, everything sets up.

And she has also invited me to absolutely insane underground parties where things go on that I cannot repeat. She is, in other words, the Petronius of Argentina. If you read Petronius' Satyricon, she is one of the fleshiest people I know. And so with that, I welcome to the show Lady Astor. Welcome Caribbean rhythm. Thank you very much. Ciao. Thank you so much for having me here. And it's a pleasure and an honor to be here this evening, almost. It's about to be stormy here in Buenos Aires. Yes, already sunset. But Libby Astor, let me ask you what everyone on mind right now is the election. Everybody obsessed with this for good reason and around the world. I saw you say some things about how election was received in Argentina media, including the allegations of fraud and so on.

Would you care to comment on this? My audience, I think, is very interested. Well, yes, of course. First off, well, we have a very big youth that's tending, you know, towards the right right now. And they have felt, you know, incensed by Trump and Trumpism and his brand. Some of them are minors, even, like very, very young people. And I believe that it's because they have seen the rise of Trump, they have seen Bolsonaro in Brazil, and these kids do not find anything that's a parallel here in Argentina, because our politics are very skewed towards the left, and especially, you know, we have all this mythos of, you know, social democracy and democracy as some godsend. You know, Alfonsin, who was, like, a terrible president and super-gray, boring, wannabe European, you know, 80s father

of democracy. You know, he's the first president after the junta. So all these mythos, this He has become this boomer, boring thing, you know, because it's like a looser mindset. It's constantly, you know, it's like these people are completely ineffectual, you know, bureaucrats. So, you know, these kids, they see something, you know, shiny, golden, bronze, you know. It's similar to so-called generation Zyklon, generation Z in the United States, you're saying. Yes, yes. But the thing is that in this case, they look up north because they still don't find anything similar in the Argentinian landscape, political landscape. All we have are, you know, we have a few people starting to appear, but still nothing that has real power. And as you know, power is everything.

And in the case of Trump, you know, I think that there was like a very large segment of the population that was expecting something like him. And so he kind of like arrived to a demographic that was in expectancy of this populism, this brand of populism that he brought. And in Argentina, you know, we still don't have that figure, but we do have the need for that figure, especially in the young. So these people— Yes, I wanted to— Yes, sorry. Yes, I want to—sorry to interrupt, Lady, but I must ask you, because many people around the world are acquainted with this phenomenon of the very young generation where there is no more room for centrism of any kind because of the insane propaganda that the left has infected into schools with race and gender and all of this.

And I was wondering if this same exists in Argentina. I remember Argentina has on top of everything a race problem to the extent that even in nice neighborhood you walk around at the public school it is all kids who look Bolivian. And I don't know if they are actually Bolivian or Peruvian immigrants or if they are so-called morochos from the interior of Argentina and so forth. But all the private schools have white kids. And I don't know, is the political scene divided along these lines, or is it not? Are the white kids leftist, as in certain parts of the United States? Well, it's difficult to pinpoint an exact phenomenon here in Argentina, because there's emergence of all this, you know, soft power from abroad that's coalescing.

But the current government, you know, it's very progressive oriented. You know, of course, the son of the president is a drag queen, so that sets the stage, you know, for what is to come. And they have decided that in the middle of the biggest crisis in the history of Argentina, They want to grant 3% of the GDP to gender politics, so, you know, we have a situation with that. Currently, this week, it's been in the news about the indoctrination inflicted in public schools by mostly left-wing teachers. So of course, you know, the Zoomer generation, they have this polarization. And because of that, they tend to go to the extremes, like these kids are not interested in being centrists, so they either embrace the hegemony of the progressive left or they

reject it and they become—well, for example, this is really interesting. You know that Bolsonaro in Brazil, one of the reasons of his rise was due to the emergence of a voting bloc from the evangelist churches. Well, the Catholic, the kids, you know, they're becoming less Catholic and they're becoming more evangelist. They're turning to the evangelist brand of the Protestant. Even in Argentina? Yes, because they're more based. The reality is that the Catholic Church, it follows the teachings of Bergoglio, of the Pope Francis, and therefore, you know, it's leaning towards some progressive expressions And these kids who are looking for something a bit more, you know, radical, maybe, we can say, they don't want that. So they are massively going to the evangelist church. And it's—.

So the effect of this Jesuit liberation theology pope is that it's turning the kids in Argentina into Protestants, is what you're saying. Basically, yes. It's causing a rejection. And even I was surprised to find my niece the other day in the table, she's almost 10 years old, saying to me, I don't think I want to be Catholic. It's kind of lame. And I felt awful because I am a Catholic, a mystical Catholic, but I am a Catholic at the end of the day. And I told her, like, listen, I'm a Catholic. Do you think I'm lame? Oh, no, not at all. Well, then. Yes, there is, outside of Buenos Aires, I forget the town, there is an SSPX seminary where Richard Williamson, he was the bishop there, perhaps introduced him to that.

But a lady from what I gather you are telling me is like my friends in Russia two weeks ago said similar in Russia, that the polarization, unlike in the United States, taking place on gendered sexual orientation and sexual issues and not as much as in the United States on the race and POC and this kind of thing. Would you say that's fair to say? Yes, yes, yes. But there's starting to be an emergence of this movement that they have called marronidad, which would be brownness. And they're already, like, lecturing about it. And once I saw a link online that you could check out on YouTube, one of these lectures, it was funny because it was guided by this very wealthy looking blonde girl who was leading the conversation among these brown people. I thought that was pretty interesting to watch.

So, like, all this was ushered in by not the people who were part of this collective, but by other people, you know, people from the government. So I believe that there is a lot of, you know, youngish millennial bureaucrats that have infested the government, and those people many times have studied in the American universities or European leading universities, and they bring the gospel from the beacons of the north, some would say the cathedrals, and they bring it to the borders, to Pontus, let's say Argentina's Pontus, you know, the end of the civilized world, you know. So many a poor try. Yes. Importing the degenerate fashions of the capital of the empire. But in this regard, I wanted to ask you very recently one of the most famous soccer football

stars in the world, Maradona, died and there was a funeral in Argentina and other riots or something. I heard like this. Would you care to comment on that? Yes. Well, the death of Maradona is one of the single most important deaths in my lifetime of a national great for Argentina. Sadly, I have to say it's more important than the death of Fangio or Borges or any other such giants. And Maradona is obviously for Argentinians a sort of demigod, you know, he brought the glory of painting the face of the English, you know, it's like making the Anglo romantically pay for the insolence of Malvinas, you know? So the people... This is when the Falklands war, I mean, most of the audience knows, but there was a war

in the 1980s, Argentina lost against England to take over the Falklands, and Maradona, you say, was the redemption for that because he kicked the ass of the English inside. Yes, yes, yes. And it didn't matter, and even it made it spicier that he did it with his hand, you know, because it was a bit more tongue-in-cheek. And of course, you know, it's like a defeated people that, you know, was already going through one of many, you know, economic upheavals, because this is the land of constant hyperinflation and defaults and five presidents in a single day. You know, it's a very chaotic land, like all border lands, let's be honest. So yes, Maradona, you know, like, people were weeping. I even shed a couple of tears, of course, because it's a bit like the passing of my

childhood, you know, memories with my father and all that. So basically what happened is that the government, because it's a populist government, they decided to organize the wake in the Casa Rosada, the presidential palace of the nation. And of course, you know, the pink house. Yes, the pink house, it's a beautiful, very beautiful building. I mean, Argentina, Buenos Aires, one of the most beautiful cities in the world, I think, made in Parisian style, right? Yes, many, many of the architecture, well, the parks were designed by Charles Thijs, the French designer and architect. So like many parts of the city, you know, some say it's a bit mixed between Paris and Madrid architecturally. So basically Maradona is like the funerals of Maradona, you know, like the funerals of

Hercules, because just like Hercules, you know, Maradona reached the highs of glory, you know, for the Argentinians, but also, you know, had some darkness, you know, in his personality. You know, it's like a violent man, a man with moods, a man of excess. And, you know, it was hard because all the football clubs, you know, their hooligans, the most renowned barabravas, they wanted to attend the funeral. So at one point the barabravas are like the groups of soccer hooligans, right? Yes. Correct. Correct. And they are very connected with politics. And especially very connected with the party. Like in Byzantium, the chariot teams, they had riots in the city, you know, and they had political power, same idea. Exactly the same.

So basically at one point they start getting drunk, and there's some fisticuffs between the different, you know, football clubs, and, of course, Maradona was a defining player for the Boca Juniors football club. So when Rafael Diceo, who is the leader of the Poca Junios Barrabrabas, got in, there was some, you know, some confrontation with the police. You know, they ended up taking over the Casa Rosada, something that was unthinkable, like, if some people knew back in the day that they could only take over the Casa Rosada with a bunch of hooligans, they would have done it before. The soccer hooligans, some people say the soccer hooligans will save England. I want to see that. But you're saying it is happening in Argentina. They took over the capital, essentially, the capital building.

Yes, yes. And they threw bottles in the metal fences of the police, and they didn't want them to remove the body of Maradona. So the first wife of Maradona, Claudia Bichafane, basically decided that they couldn't allow it to become nighttime because they would get super drunk and there's going to basically be a riot. And who knows what could have happened, you know, something similar to like in the funerals of Caesar when people went insane, you know, looking for blood. So, yeah. And there's a very funny moment. I think that I sent you the video because the new president, Alberto Fernandez, tried to come into the balcony of the Casa Rosada to make people be peaceful, you know. Yes. In case people don't know, sorry to interrupt you, lady, but in case people don't know,

this subhuman Alberto Fernandez, who I discussed, I think, on episode 11 Caribbean Rism, I encourage all of you to Google him and see his face. He has this rat-like, verminoid face, just the subhuman of the left that wants to crush humanity, right? I think people in Argentina know this about him. Go on. Yeah, well, that's why they call him the quiz. You know, the quiz is a country mouse, and he kind of looks like the quiz. And basically, at one point, he tries to bring peace, and the hooligans are all screaming at him because he's trying to pull abortion laws, and Alberto sounds like Aborto. It's like there's some guy yelling at him, yeah, fuck you, Alberto. Yeah, see, they're calling him an abortion. It's very apt, I think.

So tell me, as these riots go on around the death of Maradona, you think it has a great social impact on Argentina and it reflects much about the culture. I think it had a twofold impact, and that is Maradona single-handedly destroyed the COVID pandemic restrictions and all this confinement logic, because they were calling the demonstrations against the government because of the quarantines, which were the longest in the world here, really brutal. So every time that the people demonstrated on holidays, they were like, oh, yes, this is a demonstration of rich people, this is a demonstration of this and that. But now, you know, like, all these thousands and thousands of people without any masks or, you know, social distancing or any of that, you know, just happened, and the government

couldn't stop it. So it kind of showed that, you know, the government is ineffectual and powerless, and basically, you know, this destroyed the logic of the continuation of these policies, I believe. And... Yes, the lockdown, just to interject for a moment, in case people don't know, Argentina lockdown in March, I believe, and it was a very vigorous lockdown that people complied with. Basically, everything that somebody like Bulldog or some of the reactionaries who were for strict COVID lockdowns, Argentina did, and it did absolutely nothing to stop spread of disease. The disease spread through the austral winter, which is our summer in the north, but it spread through July, August. There was no stopping it.

Meanwhile, Uruguay next door did not have any lockdowns, they just closed the borders, and they solved the COVID problem. They don't have one. So now our friend Lady Astor, you just said that Maradona, in his death, ended this terrible restriction on life put, because people said, fuck it, they went into the streets, and hundreds of thousands, or how many, and there's no mask, nothing. Yes, exactly. And it's like people sweating, drinking from wine bottles, from beer bottles, sharing the bottles, and having complete disregard for any, you know, it's like basically the chal barabarabas. They didn't care about anything at all. Yes. The hooligans would be our savior. And you also say, you told me that it had a second effect, the Maradona death, by exposing

the hollowness of Argentinian feminism. Oh, yes. Well, first off, it's funny because Maradona died on the International Day Against Gender Violence and Maradona is known for having been pretty violent and abusive towards women and there's even footage and video of Rocio Oliva, his last and very young girlfriend, whom he lived in Dubai for a very long time. And of course, you know, like, the authorities of Dubai were not going to say anything to Maradona. And she basically exposed all that had happened, you know, the violence. And, you know, the authorities in Dubai did nothing against Maradona because of course he was Maradona. But, you know, all this started this question, like, how can you be a feminist if you mourn Maradona?

And also at the same time, if you don't mourn Maradona, you cannot be popular. And you have to understand that in Argentina, those things are completely linked. So this crossed the movement and showed it what it is. It's like an upper middle class snob elitist movement. And also, you know, you have to understand that. Yes. Sorry, if I may ask you to repeat that. Lady, sorry to interrupt, because Zog interrupted us with radio wave and your signal got cut a little. Would you mind repeating what you just said? It exposed feminism. Yes, it exposed it as an elitist movement that is foreign to Argentinian sensitivities, because Maradona, at the end of the day, is an icon of patriarchy, is a man that lives behind eight children from six different women, including two anonymous Cuban prostitutes,

someone who has a history of abuse, of violence, someone who's been with minors. One of the mothers of his children was a minor. So you got all this barrage of articles asking, can someone be a feminist and cry for Maradona? You know, basically, you know, that's the question. And for many, it has imploded because like some of the most salient voices of this movement, you know, were caught in the cross wires of this discussion. It's like, so, are you for Maradona or are you for not Maradona? Someone there's this meme maker from Argentina, really good, called At El Buni. And he did this political compass and showing both like the red and the blue were both Maradona. The green square was like this girl with green hair crying, like, no!

And on the yellow square was one guy selling T-shirts of Maradona. This is very interesting. So you are saying Argentina still has a very powerful native populist culture, both politically and socially. And this, I think, very good. It shows some kind of internal immune resistance to the fashions imported from abroad when a great populist icon like Maradona dies. And you cannot be against him, because if you are, you show yourself to be anti-populist. And it exposes, as you say, feminism as a foreign, stupid, fashion import. And on the next segment, I would like, if possible, for us to discuss this strong populist tradition in Argentina, which really comes from Juan Perón, from Peronism. Yeah, he's one of the latest and greatest examples.

But you have Rosas before him, and that is someone that one day we will have to devote time to, because it's a very polarizing character and very interesting. ROZAS is the 19th century. 1850s. Yes. The restorer, the restorer of the law, El Restorador, he's like he had an old brand of restoration. Yes. But I heard, is this the same one that had black troops? I'm sorry to bring up such subject, but I don't know if this is the same one. But in any case, we will discuss Rosas and a certain other on the next segment or future show, if you wish. But let us take a short coffee break. I must have dosed the lecture with glycine. And then we come back, perhaps we discuss Peronism, this very interesting populist nationalist

movement from Argentina, and very interesting to people now, because populist nationalism spreading around the world. Yes. Correct. Okay. Welcome back, Caribbean rhythm, and John Brennan here in studio. He is giving us a foot massage. And I am here with Lady Astor, a famous mystic and queen of Buenos Aires. And I wanted to ask you, Lady Astor, about a peculiarity of Argentina, which is a country that I love, and I hope to live there even longer someday. However, as you know, I frequently complain to you about the awful food, and in particular, You know, the Italian food in Buenos Aires is some of the worst I've had in the world. I think there are only two or three places that are any good, and they are all made by

direct Italian immigrants, to the point where I've met Italians in Buenos Aires, a first-generation immigrant, and I ask them, so where can I get good Italian food here? And they start to give me all the same story, complain that there is basically nothing, that Ciamo del For knows that, and there's the other place that's founded by the propaganda do a terrorist bomber, Civo, I think. Lalo Canda. Oh, yeah. Filo. Yeah. Lalo Canda good, too. But basically there's nothing. They all tell me, and every Argentinian they meet has Italian grandmother who handed down family recipe. They say it's Italian, but it has nothing to do with Italian food. And I wanted to ask you, how do you tolerate this, and why is this? Why is this an unconnected question you might want to answer?

Why is the third generation, fourth generation Italian immigrant in Argentina, why they still identify as Italian and want Italian passport. Is that a related question, perhaps, would you care to comment on this? Yes, well, first of all, I agree that some restaurants are pretty bad. I think that there's something about, you know, the Argentinian middle to, you know, kind of make everything kind of bland, you know? like as if it was, you know, sort of washing down the traditions, you know, nobody wants to put anchovies, nobody wants to put spice, nobody wants to put any, you know, sausage anymore because everybody's on this, like, health trip, which is bizarre, you know, and of course because, like, I think that the economic upheavals also have made it so because

people couldn't afford, you know, the best ingredients, so, you know, the difference between, like, all the good ingredients, if you have to buy imported, you know, they are very expensive, and in euros or in dollars, and with the inflation that we have in relation with the dollar parity, because you know that the dollar is an Argentinian obsession, this This is, I think, one of the reasons, you know. But first of all, also, the system of education in Argentina in the 1960s did its best to exterminate all the singularity of every immigrant who had come to Argentina at the end of the Second World War, you know, because they wanted everybody to just be Argentinos. But this was unsuccessful, finally, because, for example, I will give myself as an example. I'm the second generation.

My mother is the first generation. And I always felt completely Italian in the household of my grandparents. They spoke in Italian between each other. Well, they lived together with my uncle and auntie, who was also my godmother and passed away last year. And, you know, there was all this obsession with keeping with the customs. And a funny detail is that my nono, my grandfather, died with the Italian, with the I.D. of the foreigner, documento de Trangero. He never wanted even to be an Argentinian. This was going to be a late motif in my family. But my mother, for example, her Italian is not so good because she was a part of this education system that wanted to exterminate the roots of these immigrant children who had come from Europe after the war. So this was a matter of politics.

And I think that there's a relationship. But as you said, the most children of Europeans starting since 2001 and maybe earlier, but that started, you know, making it just more prevalent. One of the first things that you do to children is try to have them acquire the European passport. And that is something that currently my sister is doing with her daughter, with my niece, you know, trying to get her the Italian passport for her as well. So this is something that for� well, you have to understand that Italian descendants are 62% of Argentinians. This means that 62% of Argentinians have Italian blood, and that makes it, you know, the second country in the world, of course, besides Italy, who has the highest concentration of Italians. Yes, it's very interesting.

So 2001, in case most people might not know, is when the Corralito so-called happened, and the government simply froze everyone's bank accounts and seized some ridiculous percentage. It was 20, 25 percent, but it completely wrecked Argentinian economy for years after you would have middle-class people who would be looking in trash and so forth. It was very sad the years following 2001. And you're saying that was a catalyst for people essentially wanting to drop out of Argentinian identity and regain their European political papers and so forth. Yes, I think so. I think so. And there was a huge exodus. And already it's happening again because of the, you know, the uncertainty brought about by the bad policy choices by the current government, you know, which is a government that is wearing

the suit of Peronism. You know, it's only in name only a part of the Partido Justicialista, the Justice Party, you know, because, like, this is a strange government, you know. worse its mythos, but it's actually a pseudo-progressive social democrat pastiche, you know, something like that. And they never even, you know, dared to say what their policies are going to be. You know, it's like they, it would seem that they're making things up as they go. And of course... And you told me that 70 percent of middle class Argentines or something like this want to leave the country right now. Yes, this is correct. This is correct because, you know, it's like this, all these policies, you know, the inability of people to be able to work, it's like the death knell for the middle class here.

And already, like, the people suffered enough. But I believe that people should stay and fight it rather than, you know, just emigrate and leave. But the ones who leave, and many of them are going to Europe and to the United States, especially to Florida and places like New York, so these people are going to be massively anti-socialist. So, you know, it's just feeding into the effect that was seen in Latinos in the last election, in the last U.S. election, that still, as we know, is not defined, you know? Yes. Most people, I think, know that Argentina used to be a very wealthy country, one of the wealthiest in the world. I think was even number one for a period around 1910 or so. Yes. Yes. And this is reflected in the streets of Buenos Aires, which is for many blocks, not just

one intersection, one of the most elegant and pleasant cities that I've had pleasure to live in. And I know people say, oh, it's South America, it's a third-world country, but not quite so. It's far more opulent than basically anything you can find in Eastern Europe, even a capital like Budapest or this. And would you mind? You mentioned Peronism. Let's talk a bit about this. Would you mind telling people who Juan Perón was, what he represents, Argentina politics, And how does this form of Argentine populism turn into what government you have today? Well, first of all, he grew up and as a youth, you know, as a teen, he went to military school, eventually became a colonel, and as a young man he lived in Italy and was imbued with the ideals of Mussolini.

And in his own biography Perón expresses that his greatest moment in his life, his most important memory, was when he personally visited him in his office in Milano. So this is very important and a pivotal point in the Perón doctrine, because he writes his definitive book, the Peronistoctrine, based on the Carta del Laboro, written by Benito Mussolini. Yes. And Perón, you know, is like, again, someone with military experience, in 1945 creates an uprising, because, like, the people really had, you know, like, the masses had no representation. You know, the governments in Argentina were mainly oligarchic, you know, and there was no representation at all from the masses. And Peronco, at last, you know, this feeling.

And what he did is, like, he created an alternative to the socialist and communist movements that were starting to have some strength with also lots of anarchists, let's not forget, who came from Europe, you know, of course, you know, because we're talking 1945 here. So everybody who was fleeing Europe, everybody, and I'm talking everybody, you know, coalesced in a society that was not prepared. The SS network, they tried to assassinate me three times. They locked me in a kind of a thing, a box in the province of Chubut when the volcano from Chile went off, they tried to cover me in ash, and I escaped them. People need to know this. But, yes, so Perón let them and many others come into Argentina after 1945. But yeah, sorry to interrupt. Go on. No, of course.

And I'm glad that you made it alive in one piece. Yes. Yes. So Peronism, you know, is a movement that embraces the third position, you know, not left and not right, but, you know, it's like social justice, the Peronist way, you know, it's a very autocratic movement and it's a movement that's basically a vehicle for power. It's a vessel for power in Argentina. You know, the pattern of calicismo is something that we find very present in South America. found both in dictators and elected presidents and even some of the cultural icons, you know, of our general strongmen. Sorry, because you used the Argentinian pronunciation. She's talking about the Caudillo. Like an Argentinian is Caudillo and is, you know, like imagine strongmen with white

uniform and medals, right? Yes, correct. So, this follows a pattern which was set by the Spanish of the colonial era, basically centralized power, keep buying the loyalty of local interest groups, whoever they are. If they have power, you want them close to you, so you buy them up. And the tradition of personalizing power, which is something that is very strong. And I think that Peronismo is the most historically prevalent example because it's like the longest lasting movement that's, you know, an excision of 1940s brand of fascismo, you know, in the world, basically, because of 13 election, electoral processes that throughout history of Argentina, because I have to explain that it was forbidden for a couple of years.

So when they were able to go into elections, 10 out of 13 times they won. Because they have massive support. But now it's become a sort of empty vessel and it's a vehicle for power, basically. And some people wear a peronismo as a suit. But there still are some, you know, real peronists. And this brings me to, you know, because I've had people ask me, why is it that now Peronismo is considered to be left-wing? Why does the current president and the Kirchner's before him are, you know, adjacent to Chavismo, to Castro's, you know, and all that jazz, to the Grupo Puebla? And I explain that this all stems from the 70s, because when in 1955 the Peronists are bombed in Plaza de Mayo, you know, andó. Yes, in 1955 the conservatives, you could say, and the military overthrew Perón. And the U.S.

And the U.S. And he was banned, essentially, from Argentina for about 20 years, until, I think, 72 or 73 he comes back. I just want to say something quickly that I found very interesting in what he just mentioned, that he formed a third position and he was a populist, and his opponents were on one hand the oligarchic conservatives and on the other hand the socialists and anarchists. And I just want to remind my conservative listeners, perhaps, who would scoff at something like Peronist populism, I would say, that it's a brand of socialism that destroyed Argentina. I've heard this argument many times. What they miss is the alternative to Peronism would not have been a continuation of the oligarchic order in Argentina.

It would have been a communist overthrow, which I've said before, I believe this based on the Argentine character and on the particular configuration of forces in 1940s. It would have been a very bloody form of communism in Argentina. And so Perón is to be praised. He found a way to stop that. I'm saying now from the conservative point of view, he found populist means a middle way to not have quite a communist revolution. And the effects of that have been, I think, better for Argentina than the alternative. In other words, Argentina did much better than East Europe because of Perón. The oligarchic order, there was no way it could have continued. No way. But they overthrew him in 55, and he came back, you're saying, 72 or 73, if you kept coming. Okay. 25th May of 1973.

And after an 18-year exile in Franco, Spain, they, like, he returns to the country. Of course, you know, the 25th of May is the day of the revolution, the liberation, and basically the foundation of the Argentine Republic. So basically, you know, the masses had gathered in the ESEISA International Airport, which is about 10 kilometers from Buenos Aires, from the capital. And they estimate by the police that 3.5 million people, you know, had gathered at the airport. So this was, you know, a crazy amount of people. Just imagine. And so Perón was accompanied by then president Hector Campera, who represented the left-wing Peronists. And he was opposed to the right-wing Peronists, which were actually the real, you know, Peronists.

And, you know, the left wing was represented by the Peronist youth and Montoneros. But in the platform where Perón was going to speak, the right-wing Peronists had camouflaged snipers and at some point they start opening fire on the crowd of Montoneros. Yes, basically this was literal right-wing death squads. This is what happened. And this will create an internecine war within Peronismo. They end up, you know, murdering Jose Ignacio Ruchi, who was the general secretary of the CGT. You know. The trade union, right? The biggest trade union. Yeah, the biggest trade union. He was murdered by Montoneros, you know. So basically the right wing of Peronism stays with the syndicates, with the trade unions, the football syndicates and all these strong people. They call the fat ones.

And also the people who are the so-called barons of the urban cone that surrounds the city of Buenos Aires or also outer Buenos Aires, if you will. And of course, you know, the federal governors of the provinces that, as you know, they have lots of power, and they're lifelong Peronists. And then, on the other hand, you have all the intellectuals, you know, the former, you know, the people who come from those 70s guerrillas. So then, you know, it's like by and large that Seisan massacre, you know, is when the, you know, the right-wing Peronism and the left-wing Peronism divide themselves. at one point, but on himself, kicks out the left-wingers from the Plaza de Mayo, telling them that they are imberves, which means, like, you're just like a fucking kid. You know?

They're people who can't even grow beards. That's what he meant. Yes. So he... Hairless youths. Yes. Yes, exactly. Yeah, hairless youths. He kicks them out, but, you know, there's some people say that one of the ideologues, you know, of those left-wingers, Horacio Beravitsky, it's actually a CIA asset. So you're saying Peronism split into two wings, the left and the right. You're saying the left wing was possibly connected to CIA somehow. They say that, but, yeah, the dog Beravitsky is an asset. is what's the word on the street. So basically starting from them, from that standpoint, you know, you have, you know, when Perón dies, of course, you know, Lopez Riga, who was also a representative of the right wing Peronism, in the government of his wife, Isabel Perón, who succeeds Perón,

they formed a connection. You know, it's like Loperega responded to Lisio Geli that, you know, he was... These are people from the Italian fascist group Propaganda Due, a Masonic lodge, right? Yes, correct, correct. And it is said that it is someone from this group who stole the hands of Perón. I don't know if you're familiar with the story. No, I never heard it. It sounds mystical and frightening. I don't know. Well, yes, because it is. At one point in the 80s, the tomb of Perón was vandalized and his hands were stolen. And it is said that it was for a ritual of pedo. Maybe they wanted to do a hand of glory, something of the sort. But it's very mysterious. Some people who are more mundane say that they needed the fingerprints to open a bank account in Switzerland or something like that.

Now, this frightens me, this lady, you know, I've had nightmares recently. This frightens me. I wanted to ask you, Peronism, like Trumpism, is a kind of economic nationalism combined with populism, and there were very strong nationalist moves made by Perón early on. He nationalized the railroads, which were owned by England, and he actually paid England a huge amount to be able to nationalize these railroads. He did not stiff them on that. And I wonder, when you say it split into left and right, did both parts preserve this nationalism, or it did just the right part of it? Because, again, I don't know if you want to skip too much to recent times. I was just very shocked that the recent government of Kirchner, which called itself Peronist,

essentially had open borders policy and letting Peruvians, Bolivians, for the same reasons that they're letting to the United States, to steal boats and so forth. It's also very important to note that Nestor Kirchner was a Mason, so that he will follow a path similar to the path drawn by other left-wing populists, you know? And his ideas also, you know, they stem from this intellectual who passed away in Leeds, who was a lecturer in the University of Leeds in England. He was the ideologue of the Kirchner's, and his name was Ernesto Laclau, Laclau. And his wife, Chantal Mouffe. And they were also the ideologues of Chavismo. So there's another interesting link there, you know, because all these ideas, if we're

being clear, they were coming from University of Leeds lecturer who had been living there since the 1960s. So it's very interesting. But this is all the generation of the 60s that stems from Montoneros. And of course, you know, there was a war between them, because when Isabel Perón becomes the President and advised by López Regga. She creates the AAA. And AAA is this association, you know, that is the anti-left wing, you know? Yeah, Argentine anti-communist alliance, yes. Yes, correct. Yes. So, this part of Peronism, the right wing, sounds very based, so to speak. My audience would love it. And I guess because of their associations with the military dictatorship in the late 70s, early 80s, I don't know, would you care to comment?

They went out of fashion and the left-wing Peronists came in in the 80s and essentially paused this populist nationalist movement and made it into a kind of global homo that exists today. How did it happen that Peronism changed from Trumpism into what exists today in Argentina? It was defanged basically after the junta, you know. It's like some, see the famous agent, famous secret agent, Annabel Gordon, was a very important member of the AAA, although he used to deny it. She died in prison, you know, after the restoration of democracy. Many of these people were tried because of the AAA had committed crimes against humanity, you know. And also, you know, one of the ones who got away, who was Rodolfo Almirón, you know, he was the security officer.

And officially, La Pereira and Isabel Perón's security guard was arrested in Spain in 2006, And then he passed away in jail in 2009 in Spain. So basically they were persecuted, you know, and eventually exterminated. But as I said before, this brand of the populist Peronism still lives in the syndicates, in in the Marones del Conurbano, in the feudalist governors, and especially in a man which I call the last of the trad Peronists, who is Guillermo Moreno. And he yesterday attended the big March for Life, you know, in Argentina. That's a very large movement. Because according to polls, you know, even the leftward polls, only 26 percent of Argentinian women want this law. And it's been rejected. You're talking about abortion, that there's a debate about an abortion law now, yes? Mm-hmm.

Of course. Yes. So would you care to tell the people a little bit about that, the debate now about abortion that keeps popping up every few years in Argentina and how this is connected to the struggles within Peronism. Yes. Because apparently, well, the agenda 2030 and the IMF and all these, you know, big entities, you know, aligned with NGOs like Amnesty and Planned Parenthood and all these others, you You know, they have lots of interests in Argentina, you know, allowing this law, because Argentina is a very important piece in the Latin American domino. Basically, the laws that are passed in Argentina tend to get passed in other Latin American countries. This happened with the divorce law, this passed with, you know, the gay marriage laws, and

And this passed with the trans identity laws. So, you know, they know that if they push it enough in Argentina, because it's seen as this beacon of modernity for other Latin American countries, you know, the other movements are going to push for the same in their own country. So there's a lot of money in game. But the reality is that we have rejected it already eight times. This is the law to legalize abortion, right? And we plan to reject it again. And it was interesting yesterday to witness which politicians attended the march. Of course, the left from Isquierda Unida, they tried to portray with pictures, you know, saying like, look at these politicians who attended. And among those who attended were, like, as I say, the last of the Tratperonists with

Guillermo Moreno, and the former war hero from the Falklands, Gómez Centurion, he has a very chad name, Centurion, and he's a devout Catholic, you know. And the war- He's the next president of Argentina, you think? I don't know if he's ready at the moment, but for sure next year is an election year. He's going to be a strong contender. And I think that he's someone that we have to try to inspire, not to take the road of neoliberalism, but to steer towards nationalism in the way that we've seen it's been successful in the past four years of Trump government, you know, in regards to economics, in regards to, you know, the super habit that you've had in regards to, you know, the low unemployment that had not been as low since the late 60s. You know, this is what people are seeking right now,

You know? It's like not the displacement in both cultural matters and in economic matters that neoliberalism and great reset advocates are trying to steer us towards. And don't forget that some of the some Peronists, funnily enough, a few months ago were having Zoom calls with the PCC. Chinese. Yes. Now, were these the left-wing Peronists, the Kirchnerists? Okay. Yes, yes, the Kirchnerists. And China, you told me managers actually they have their own base in Argentina, not even allowed inside. Yes. They have, Kristina Kirchner gave them 50 years in the Patagonia. They have a base. It's a military base. And they tried to say it was for space exploration. But yes, this is Chinese land and no Argentinian is allowed.

But also there's neoliberals who have gained land in Argentina, people like Paul Singer, people like Luciano Benetton. They have vast swaths of land and they even own, you know, huge, you know, lakes within And then people who are from Argentina, they cannot even visit. And then, of course, you have the interesting phenomenon of the Mapuche Indian raids, which have become a really big problem in Patagonia, especially in the area of Bariloche and Lago Mascarelli. And the leftist government has been encouraging these Indians to do raids. And recently they severely injured one of the leaders of the group who tries to defend the neighbors of the Mascali area. What do they do? They take scouts? So, these are the Patagonian, I assume, the giant Indians and they attack, they take scouts.

What do they do? Basically they steal. They burn houses. This is like their modus operandi. is like burning the houses of the people who own houses in the lake areas. They also are trying to steal land from the army, from the Argentinian army. And they have become pretty much on control level. And I think that one of these days someone is going to get fed up and something's going to happen. Well, it sounds very similar to the United States, where local governors are encouraging feral behavior by their clients against the middle class. But I think we are coming up on a hard commercial break, Lady. And I wanted to ask you, Lady Astor, in closing this segment, because you mentioned neoliberalism, and there was a reaction against the insane policies of the Kirchner left-wing regime

When people voted for McCree earlier this last decade and he won a surprise victory, but in fact he ended up becoming hated. He did nothing of what he promised. His hands were maybe tied or it was incompetence. But I remember we were talking once, and you told me Argentina since the end of the military junta in the 1980s has lurched between this left-wing social democracy that's fake and the neoliberal so-called reaction, and just back and forth. And meanwhile the Argentine middle class gets banged in between, while the based right-wing Peronism that, you know, similar to Trumpism that existed earlier in the century, somehow has been put to the margins. And just in closing, quickly, if you would care to comment, you told me it happened when

so-called democracy was restored after the military junta and the Alfoncine government came in. Something happened. They somehow debased the political and social culture of the country so that it was only left-wing or neoliberal. Now, how did they do it? Did they change the educational system? What happened? Was it the fixed system? Well, they did and basically enthroned republicanism and democracy as the greatest of good. You know, this became, like, the mythos of Alfonsin as the father of democracy, as this, great benevolent patriarch who had defeated the military junta, but it was not like that at all. It was just a coalescence of several forces, you know. And it was just, you know, by mere chance that when the, you know, the military tried

to do the coup of La Tablada, you know, in 1987, it was Easter. And it was just that because the people didn't want to go back to the 70s again, you know, the mythos of democracy, you know, was further, further enshrined. But in all honesty, we've come from, you know, economic upheaval to economic upheaval. And the years of Alfonsin were something like, you know, what you see of Eastern Europe in the 80s, like really shitty clothes. I remember like the toys were also kind of crappy and if someone brought something from the States it was all shiny and beautiful and looked really new. So, you know, it's like I cannot say that I, you know, I think that, well, you know, I had a good childhood and it was a

homogeneous, high-trust society. We played in the streets. But the Alfonsin allowed social democracy to become completely incisted in the country, like something that is sacred for boomers, especially. But as I said before, you know, boomers are proving that they do no longer care about this more of their ancestors, you know? And the boomers are super surprised, because, you know, it's like, oh, my God, no, we have to invent the Republican ideals. And like, what is that? You know? It's like... Yeah, nobody cares. Yeah, he managed to install this social Democrat, boring so-called Republicanism and turn it into the establishment. Of course, now it has no play with the younger generation, as you say. But look, let's talk about that when we come back.

We take a brief coffee break, what do you say, and we come back for the last segment. Wonderful. Very good. I love you I love you I love you I love you I love you I love you My love I love you I love you I love you I love you I love you I love you I love you Yes, hello, very good. So now welcome back Caribbean Rism, I'm here with magic mystical impresario, Lady Astor. And I have to say she put on some of the wildest party I have ever been, something, again, out of La Dolce Vita cross with Satiricon, the look-up Petronius. And I'm talking, you know, you go to a strange part of town and you have a code, you get into a warehouse, this kind of thing. I can't even tell you who it was on behalf of or what goes on inside. Nothing too bad, but just amazing aesthetic parties.

And, Lady, I must, however, ask you, at this one, this last one we were at together, I have to say, there was a girl there you introduced me to, an Anglo-Argentine. People don't know that the English have lived there for maybe 150 years, and they continue their own traditions, their own language. They grow up speaking English with a kind of South African accent. And this girl, yes, it's amazing. And this girl is there. And Makarena, that's right, you saw her, your friends saw her. She was following me around, and she could see the power in my eye, you know. She was completely obsessed with my sexual potency, you know. Yeah, she was pursuing me. And then, however, she did not go home with me, you know, and she refused to answer my call. And this is outrageous. I want to ask, how dare she?

And I wanted to ask you, I wanted to ask you, okay, a fair question, should I treat her as a way that Perón treated perhaps the old oligarchical Anglo-Argentine families, because people don't know this, but some of the Argentinian oligarchy, for example, Bullrich family, very powerful, the nicest mole in Buenos Aires, I think, named Bullrich, Patio Bullrich, And still very powerful in Argentine politics, the Anglo-Argentine. But Perón basically gerrymandered and redistributed them and put them in there. And I wonder if you think I should discipline her the way that Perón disciplined the Anglo-Argentine and why is she there, first of all, to come after me like this and then to refuse to answer call? What happened? This is the way of the Argentine high class women.

They do this game all the time to prove their worth and you have to keep seeking. This is the way that they prove, it's a game that these girls do. Everybody knows that the Argentinian girls that are high quality to prove their status, they have to do something like this. Yes, I see. I see. She was saying she was doing this, yeah, her thesis would have the answer for this. But I joke, of course, I would not gerrymander her the way Perón gerrymandered the Anglo-Argentines. I am a man of peace. I love women. I kiss their feet and all of this, right, yes. So look, Lady Esther, I mean to ask you on this subject, you as somebody who is so acquainted with the art world, I don't want to say the younger world, but this world of impresario

I remember when I first came Buenos Aires more than ten years ago, I was astounded at the artistic ferment among Argentine youths at the time, where almost every young person you met was either in a theater troupe or something artistic like this. And it made me think these cities like Buenos Aires or a certain other in Europe, on edges of Europe where there is still artistic ferment among the youth. And how you see this going forward, because as we said at the end of last segment, the establishment in Argentina, as well as elsewhere, is this boring so-called Republican social Democrat technocracy with the whole mythology of democracy versus authoritarianism. And the youth, that means nothing to them. It's an ossified establishment.

And so, as you see, in 20th century the greatest artists have been of the right or even the hard right, Ezra Pound, and so forth, simply for two reasons, I think. First of all, because the left cannot answer to men's spiritual need. The left is only concerned with the stomach and with material needs. Second of all, because for all their hemming and hawing of being anti-establishment, in In fact, since 1900, and certainly since 1950, the establishment is culturally, definitely left wing. And so you have the anti-establishment ferment must somehow be on the right. And of course I'm not talking capitalism. You know what I mean. Yes. And I wonder if you want to comment on this. Is there a prospect for the youth in Argentina and elsewhere in the world to capture this

and the establishment sentiment and to build an artistic movement, a cultural movement off of it. What do you think? I think that there's starting to be isolated expressions of reactionary nature that are starting to coalesce. Earlier on the show, I mentioned El Buni, this meme maker. And there's another, there's this punk rock band called Una Bandita de la Plata. of the kids there, he's on Twitter, too, you know, you can look them up. And it's a phenomenon that's starting to arise. But in general, the Argentinian youth right now are about the merging of cultures. You know, it's like they have the trap artists are starting to become kind of, you know, popular. It's a different brand because it's kind of like a white trap in a way.

One of the most famous interpreters is this kid who looks like a kid with blonde, almost white hair, blue eyes. So something is happening that is going to coalesce on this sense. But I always say that it's of the utmost importance that the right needs to cease the means of cultural production. We need to start production companies. We need to start TV channels. We need to start, you know, streaming services. We need to start making movies. There's a lot of people who have been writing books, and that makes me very happy. You have the guys from Imperium Press, you have the Mystery Probe, you have lots of people, you have Terror House, you have all these people. And recently Imperium Press printed a book by an Argentine author, and it's also been

like the foreword was written by my friend and protege, Reccionario, he also wrote his own book. So we're starting to see production, intellectual production, and true underground movement. And this will happen more and more because now the left has no answer. It has become the hegemony. It has become entrenched in power. And you cannot be tongue in cheek. You cannot be the counterculture while being the overculture. So this is what's happening. And so the left is like this is what happens with, you know, when you say the left can't meme. No, they can only copy and they can only repeat because they are never going to have the fresh ideas while they are trying to police everyone. You know? That's never going to happen.

And also because the left the last rebellion they had came through, you know, sex and gender their mores, and now that all that has been destroyed, now that, like, for example, boomers and alphas, alphas are the generation of my niece, who's going to be ten years old in just two months. So these generations have grown up with the reality of this globalist liberal world. So for them, there's nothing rebellious about it. It's completely different to what it was for the boomers, you know? For the boomers, you know, they came from this, like, strict religious families, maybe. And so it was a break from that, you know, because always the child will rebel to the elders. And if all the elders are social democrats or liberals or progressives, like, what do

you think the kids are going to rebel to? Of course, corporations have taken into circumventing this natural rebelliousness of youth by selling their own brand of rebelliousness, which is what we see sold in big movements that come from basically the United States, you know, and universities. But all this is funded by the biggest corporations, all the NGOs. So there's nothing rebellious about it. This is, like, they try to sell rebellion as, like, trying to fit into this system. This, like, eat the bugs, live in the pot, you know? And it's like no child who is born into this reality is going to think that that is a break. No, that is, like, the hegemony. That's the power he's been brought under. So of course, you know, youth is always going to go against the grain, because that's the

reality of youth. And I have to say something. Like today I watched my beloved priest, Father Santiago, give mass, and he said one very important thing. He said, first of all, we should not fear the future, and then we should not try to deny the present because we don't like it. We have to embrace the present, embrace the future, and not cling to the past. The past is past, and it's not going to be able to come back in any way. We are what we are, which is post-moderns or meta-moderns, whatever you want to call it. We live among the machines, and we have to develop a new art that fits the times like those Ezra Pound did before us, like the modernists or also vortices or people like Salvador Dali. These people introduced a completely new way of viewing the world, and this is what we

have to do. Just to usher a new age without fear for the future. Because the future is whatever we will make of it. Yes. No, I completely agree. And in closing, I want to ask your opinion on a certain idea, a friend of mine, you might know him, Ryan Landry, has been a longtime friend of the Frogs. But he mentioned that after 2016 one of the most needful things would have been for a billionaire or someone with access to funding to provide a kind of venue hall, whether for exhibitions of gallery or visual arts or for exhibition of, you might say, music or theater or whatever, for our side, because, as you can see, any time somebody tries that, they are shut down. And I think I agree with you, this would have been far more meaningful than many of the efforts

that have been undertaken since then. I don't want to attack anyone, they are all friends. But I think this much more important immediate need than making a movie, just one movie or this. And venue hall, something which is that or a series of underground. Something like the Fillmore East or West. Yes. thing that moves around from different venue halls to escape being attacked? Is this something you think would work? Yes. But at the same time, there must be a moment in which a stand has to be made. And I think that the blueprint is that we have to learn from the trials of Lawrence Ferlinghetti and the City Lights bookstore. And we also have to learn from the Larry Flint trial. Because what the leftists have been able to do with degeneracy, we have to be able to

do with the ideas that were normal ideas that everybody had 50 years ago, 40 years ago. I always say when people ask me what my ideas are, and I say that my ideas come from the example of my grandparents, my nono and nona who were married for 60 years and basically raised me as a child, you know, living in their house. I was exposed to, you know, their beliefs, you know. And this is what I, you know, this is what basically I advocate for, you know, the things that have worked since the advent of humanity. This is what I'm advocating for. And I always say that normal people do not have lobbies, and this is also something that we have to change. Yes. Yes, absolutely. And on that note, I know that you must go tonight to your Aistadt kafetta bak. I know there's a special function there.

But I wanted to thank you, Lady Astor, for coming on Caribbean Rhythm and to tell my audience you hear the voice of Avalon, the voice of Lady of the Lake, and it's a voice of hope, enthusiasm, and power, and I think brings many blessings. But I give you the last word. You look forward to a re-establishment of artistic supremacy in nature and tradition. Absolutely. And I'm very thankful for the invitation. It's always from me love and vitality and hopes for a better future. Never blackbills. Yes, very good. A voice of enthusiasm. Many of you can learn from this. Thank you so much, Lady Astor and Ave Trump, Heil Puthler and Ave Perón. Buena noche. He is God in Argentina. I don't know, Astor Piazzolla. If you know anything about music, it ain't about McDonald's, you know me?

You gotta, you know, come on. Those nice steaks, they taste real good when they're old and aged. So, he's a master. He's a master. I love him. I'll tell you after this. Sure, all the fans are working, please. You know, I might look like a horse, but I'm not one. Spot, just one spot Thank you, there's my view Straight, I've seen the place before See, like a harp for the prey Like the gnar, waiting for the day Straight, be back on Parisian view Drifting from the bar It's a search call, la contre la man Staring at Chant, le mieux le mieux Joé, les barres, les barres